R Jagannathan has come out with a beautiful article.
Lal Krishna Advani’s decision to withdraw his resignation from three
party posts yesterday may have ended the crisis in the BJP over the
elevation of
Narendra Modi as campaign committee chief, but rest assured, the core issue hasn’t gone away.
The core issue is this: how should parties prepare for an orderly
transition in leadership? Should they do it the modern equivalent of the
Aurangzeb way, by a show of force or internal intrigue, or should they
have a proper process?
This is a problem only for the BJP and the Communists, since they do not believe in family rule.
Gujarat CM Narendra Modi and veteran leader LK Advani
In the Congress and almost all regional parties, primogeniture rules.
Succession is what the family patriarch (or matriarch in the Congress
right now) decides. Aurangzebs occasionally emerge from the woodwork
when the incumbent son/daughter proves unworthy or unable to handle
power (as evident in the MNS challenge to the Shiv Sena, or the N
Chandrababu Naidu revolt against NTR, or the forthcoming DMK sibling war
– between MK Stalin and MK Azhagiri).
The problem remains for the BJP and the Communists, for they are more cadre-based.
Without a proper process to select a leader, Modi had to establish
his authority partly through the Aurangzeb route – as Jaithirth Rao
eloquently argues in an article in
The Economic Times – by a
show of muscle and machismo using party workers. This has its downside:
the loser will have no stake in being graceful in defeat, or in helping
the new leader.
Says Rao: “If the BJP had held primary elections, then the loser
would have had to go along, one way or the other. When faced with the
inevitable, people usually opt for graceful behaviour. When the process
is opaque, when
Rajnath Singh
announces that they have made a consensus decision, even as the parties
to the consensus conspicuously stay away, we get into messy and
unseemly dramas.”
So, the first lesson parties like the BJP have to learn is how to
manage succession – and a clear system of inner party elections for
every major leadership role is key. Parties do have election systems,
but the old feudal reality ensures that only “consensus” candidates
emerge on top through a process of opaque, inner party backdoor
compromises.
There are other lessons the BJP and other parties need to learn from the Advani-Modi battle of nerves and backroom manoeuvre.
The second lesson is that parties must have an in-built retirement
age for leaders. This need not be 60 or 65, but surely 75 is not a bad
outer limit? This does not mean oldies like Advani and
Manmohan Singh
do not have a place in politics – they do, and they can mentor people
and generate ideas for growth – but they should not play a direct
leadership role. Not in a young nation such as India.
Thirdly, parties which have strong cadres must have clear rules of
conduct between party organisation and government, between social
organisations and political fronts. In the BJP’s case, it is fine if the
RSS contributes men and material to help the party succeed, but if the
Sangh tries to dictate every policy move of the party the latter cannot
succeed. The same applies to the Congress, which failed in UPA-2
precisely because the party and government were not in sync. It also
applies to the CPMs of the world: the party ruined Jyoti Basu’s chances
of becoming the first Communist PM of the country in 1996. Parties can
have their basic ideologies, but achieving anything needs compromises in
government.
The fourth lesson to learn is the importance of projecting a leader.
Parties such as the BJP and CPM stress collective leadership – and, as a
principle, it is not wrong – but in the television age, parties must
have attractive leaders to articulate a vision. A collective leadership
and think-tank can emerge once a leader is chosen. Voters relate to
people and not just ideology. Atal Behari Vajpayee did not have any
particular ideology, but his inherent charm worked for him and helped
him blunt the edges one could see in his more scrappy colleagues. The
regional parties do not have this problem because they are largely
dynastic like the Congress. Regional parties are created largely by
charismatic leaders, and as long as the family’s clout remains, there is
no need for further projection – whether it is a Naveen Patnaik in
Orissa or a Mulayam Singh or
Mayawati in Uttar Pradesh.
Those who argue that projecting a leader may polarise rather than
unify voters (mostly this is done with reference to Modi) are both right
and wrong. The purpose of projecting a leader is to convey direction –
so it could polarise at times. (It isn’t as if
Sonia Gandhi does not polarise – especially with her Italian origins.)
Projecting leaders can work, and it can fail. Let’s also note that
the projection of Advani in 2009 did not work for the BJP. But this does
not mean that projecting no leader is better. Parties have to take this
gamble based on who they think is their best bet. If Modi is given
charge and he fails, it is game over for him. The party can then pick up
the pieces and take on a different leader the next time. Not selecting a
leader is not an option anymore.
The last point is that elected leaders must have the right to their
own teams. Once you accept the logic that elections are increasingly
getting presidential in India, you cannot circumscribe the leader by
inflicting all kinds of conditions to his power. This is why Advani’s
efforts to create a parallel election committee for the assembly
elections was worth junking.
The issue is not about Advani or Modi. It is about having a transparent process to manage leadership transitions.